Anti-Indian racism again took its inevitable course into violence in the 1960′s riots as the PNC worked in cahoots with the CIA to remove the PPP from office. The “communist” bogeyman provided cover for the hate that had been nurtured for over a century against Indian-Guyanese.

Robert Jordan

The most terrifying episode in those dark days when Guyana experienced its first bout of “ethnic cleansing” in the Wismar-Christianburg-McKenzie (soon named “Linden” after Burnham) when almost the entire Indian population had to flee.
Below are excerpts from the Commission of Inquiry into the violence.
Background
The population of these three areas was about 18,000 in May 1964, and of these, about 3000 were East Indian, the majority of the rest being Africans…Although some 350 of the East Indians were employed at Demba, the majority were businessmen who in many cases owned their places of business and their homes. Some of them owned more than one building and were engaged in more than one occupation. The majority of the Africans were wage earners.
The majority of the 3,000 East Indians were supporters of the P.P.P. or were so identified. The majority of the Africans were P.N.C supporters who had the satisfaction of knowing that the representative for the Upper Demerara River constituency in the House of Assembly was an African, Robert Jordan.
The news of the murder of the African couple – the Sealeys – at Buxton reached Wismar on Friday the 22nd May, and seems to have been the incident which precipitated the planned reprisal against the East Indians in the Wismar-Christianburg area on Monday 25th May, 1964. The economic prosperity of the East Indian community must have been a latent source of jealousy, which determined that the major aim of the attack would be the destruction of property.

Fire in Wismar

The violence
Between 7 and 8 o’clock on the morning of May 25th the situation deteriorated rapidly. There was widespread violence, arson and looting. The stage was set for a day of unmitigated tragedy. At about 8.00 a.m. it was rumoured that an East Indian man had kicked an African boy. The Police subsequently investigated this but found it to be untrue. If any was needed, this was the casus belli.
The violence of May 25th, although started at the river front, was at first mainly concentrated in remote areas such as Half Mile, One Mile and Valley of Tears. It was only later that large buildings such as those owned by Messrs. T. Prashad, Lalta Paul and Hakim Khan in Silvertown and Silver City were destroyed. Protection money was demanded and in some cases obtained from the owners of big business. But this did not prevent their business places being looted and burnt, subsequently, nor did it prevent them from being assaulted.
Comment
The local population in the majority supported these acts. A few of those who engaged in these acts of violence might well have come from other parts of the country, some were undoubtedly drawn from the criminal elements who made periodic visits to the area, whilst some others were from the area. Wherever they might have come from, however, they were certainly well informed about the precise location of East Indian premises in the Wismar-Christianburg area, and were well equipped and trained for incendiarism. The local population knew how to prevent fires spreading and indeed lost no time in forming bucket brigades to save African homes. African furniture was removed from Indian houses so that the houses could be burnt.
Neighbours and other members of the public were either afraid or were unwilling to render any assistance to the security forces. They never lent a hand to extinguish fires kindled on East Indian homes, and the very few who offered shelter to East Indians were threatened to such an extent that they had to put out the families whom they had succoured. The majority of the Africans laughed and jeered at the East Indians as blood stained and battered, raped and naked, shocked and destitute, they helplessly went their way to the only place of refuge, the Wismar Police Station. African women played their part in these events to the fullest extent.
Your Commissioners are convinced that “this was a diabolical plot, ingeniously planned and ruthlessly executed.”
II. Conduct of the
security forces at the scene
On the day of the disturbances at Wismar-Christianburg there were 57 cases of assault, including rape, which were treated at the Mackenzie Hospital. Two persons were killed and at least 197 houses were destroyed in addition to several cases of looting. With the single exception of Assistant Superintendent Lashley, who in company with Lieutenant Wishart and a party of men, apprehended and shot a looter who refused to halt when ordered to do so, no member of the Volunteers or Police admitted witnessing any cases of assault or rape, looting or arson.
A variety of allegations were made by witnesses against the security forces – the Police and Volunteers. These included bribery, partaking in loot, standing by and refusing to give assistance whilst rape and assault were being committed, refusing to extinguish fires, supplying gasoline to arsonists and being politically partial by telling people who were beaten and stripped to go to their political leaders.

Torched home Wismar

Several witnesses have alleged that Mr. Robert Jordan, member of the former Legislative Assembly for the Upper Demerara River constituency, bears a major responsibility for the events of May 25th and 26th. Mr. Jordan was said to have been seen on Thursday May 21st and again on Saturday May 23rd, inciting African people to violence against East Indians.
Three witnesses said that on the Thursday be was seen with a newspaper on the public road drawing to the attention of those he met the murder of Mr. & Mrs. Sealey, African farmers of Buxton, East Coast, Demerara, and asking what the people of Wismar were going to do in reprisal for such actions by East Indians on the coast. Four witnesses claimed to have seen Mr. Jordan on the Saturday in company with various community leaders and at least one of the known criminal element, either inciting Africans or planning acts of violence against East Indians.
Loss and damage
Two hundred and twenty houses were destroyed. Stocks, including household furniture and general merchandise, were looted, and what could not be taken away was burnt with the buildings.
The Social Assistance Department compiled statistics relating to the displaced persons from Wismar-Mackenzie area and they were made available to the Commission. The number of families displaced is 744 comprising 1,249 adults and 2,150 children making a total of 3,399 individuals. The estimated value of the houses is $1,457,810. The number of business premises is 87, valued at $448,540. There were 8 farms destroyed valued at $6,500 and livestock lost valued at $30,000. The estimated value of the total amount of property destroyed or lost is $1,942,850.
We have come to the conclusion that the disturbances which took place in the Wismar- Christianburg-Mackenzie area on May 25th, 1964, were politically and racially inspired. Although there is a difference of opinion among the security officers who gave evidence before us on the point, the thorough-going destruction of East Indian property, and the fact that the security forces were in no case able to apprehend arsonists, force us to conclude that the destruction was not “spontaneous” but was organised, and well organised.
(b)The recent disturbances in Wismar-Christianburg-Mackenzie have been examined by your Commissioners in the context of the wider pattern of planned violence, murders, arson, bombings, reprisals and counter-reprisals that characterised life in British Guiana during 1964…
There, within the brief period of 48 hours, a total section of a community was attacked, outraged and subsequently had to be evacuated. Nearly all their property was maliciously destroyed, while the majority of their erstwhile friends and neighbours either took part in the destruction or stood idly by. (Guyana Times Indian Arrival Magazine)

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Conceived as an innovative way to disseminate and sustain cultural art forms, the Dharmic Sabha’s ‘Kala Utsav’, meaning “festival of arts”, continues to be the launch pad for talented youths from the various regional branches of the Guyana Hindu Dharmic Sabha.
Over fifteen years ago, it was recognised that there was dwindling interest among the young generation in playing the diverse Indian musical instruments; that knowledge of Hindi and the Ramayan was limited to a minority, and trained classical and folk dancers were fewer in numbers. The idea of a cultural forum encouraging friendly competition, with cash and trophy incentives, was born. It is the brainchild of Indrani Persaud.

Young dancers showcasing their talent at a past Kala Utsav

It was not meant for professionals, but seen as an avenue to motivate young people to continue traditions of their fore parents and to simultaneously build bases of amateur talent in various regions for further development, thereby providing temples and communities with the continuity in these art forms.
Every community’s mandir satsangh: gatherings where minds unite through music, meditation, and wisdom to experience a higher state of consciousness, required musicians and singers, and Kala Utsav was the way to fulfil this need. The standard of dance countrywide was at an all-time low. People were only too willing to send their children on television and stage to gyrate in garments that bordered on lewd – in the name of Indian dance.
Kala Utsav’s mission was to sensitise communities about wholesome and trained dance techniques that could be performed in a dignified manner, and also to provide training to those dancers who were serious about this art form. Shri Ramcharitmanas has always had mass appeal among Hindus throughout the world. The Utsav’s focus is to encourage young people to be familiar with Shri Ramcharitmanas’ teachings, and, at the same time, revive the Hindi language.
By 2008, the Utsav was able to accomplish improving the standard of folk dance, and Guyanese were able to enjoy wholesome group dances countrywide. Training was being provided by the Sabha free of cost in classical dance in most of its praants. A few upcoming classical dancers were identified and succeeded in securing prizes at Kala Utsav.
Noting the upsurge of interest in musical instruments over the years, the Utsav capitalised on this and introduced a new category entitled, ‘Instrumentals’. This allowed five or more young musicians to work together forming small bands that played creative pieces. The Utsav’s mission of providing each region with musicians was satisfied.
Over the years, Kala Utsav has been noted as the forum for discovering young singers. The Sabha continues in its commitment to nurture these talented singers, and they are assured of wide exposure and promotion in all the Sabha’s programmes. One of the triumphant winners of Kala Utsav, who won the male category of singing as a child, went on to sing on the famous  television programme “SA RE GA MA PA” hosted in New York.
If there is a negative to the Utsav, it has been the impact of migration from Guyana, which has led to the loss of talent that had only just begun to be nurtured. In spite of that, hundreds of youths still assemble on stage of the annual event at the Dharmic Sanskritik Kendra for the Guyana Hindu Dharmic Sabha’s Kala Utsav, eagerly looking forward to receiving their trophies. This is testimony of the festival’s growth, ensuring its permanent fixture on the Sabha’s annual calendar of events, and providing assurance of the propagation of Indian art forms by the Sabha.
In an interview with Guyana Times Sunday Magazine, Dr Vindhya Persaud, assistant general secretary of the Sabha, noted that the Utsav brings together people from all over the country to compete in a friendly atmosphere in various categories.
“We have been doing this since in the 90s. Kala Utsav encourages people 25 years old and below to develop their skills in various fields such as music, dance (classical and folk), and Hindi singing (kirtan). We’re doing this because we want to ensure our culture is maintained in Guyana, instil an appreciation for their cultural heritage in young ones, and to develop their talents to their fullest potential. The Dharmic Sabha’s unwavering commitment, through its many programmes like the Kala Utsav, ensures that the torch of art forms, culture and tradition is secure for future generations. (Guyana Times Indian Arrival Magazine)

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From just 8 years old, Sookrane Boodhoo knew it was her responsibility to maintain the musical heritage she grew to love. Now, she dedicates her life to preserving it and transmitting this to younger generations who share her passion.
In an interview with  Guyana Times Sunday Magazine, the artiste said that her formative years in singing began at the La Penitence Mandir, Middle Road. Hearing the kirtan  group singing at her mandir inspired her to join them.

Sookrane Boodhoo

“One day I finally gathered the courage to join the group. Gradually I started learning to sing. I soon managed to sing a song by myself and from then on I was doing hawans, religious songs, on the microphone. I then attended the Pandit’s Council where Bhai Shyam Basdeo was my teacher, and I took classes in singing there,” she recalled.
Developing her vocals, Boodhoo decided to join the Indian Cultural Centre to improve her talent. There she found her voice, developed herself as a singer and learnt the basics. The singer learnt the different raags, the modern Hindi pronunciation used by musicians, and later took part in the Melody Queen Competition held by the Guyana Pandits Council.
In the competition she chose two categories: ‘devotional’ and ‘classical’. This “remarkable experience” helped her to develop as a well-rounded singer.
“For that period of time my teacher was Mr Satpatty. In those days, for me to be a part of such a competition was a great privilege. I was the youngest contestant to participate. I appeared on stage first and placed third among thirty-one contestants,” she noted.
Boodhoo’s career in singing flourished and she began to sing with the Merrytones Band for about four years. In 1986, she married Neil Boodhoo and started a wonderful family of four children. Her daughter Roshini was crowned Miss Guyana India Worldwide 2011. Her other daughter Tahirih was also a participant in the competition. Boodhoo’s other children are Ravi and Shoghi.
Although engrossed with family responsibilities, Boodhoo continued to perfect her singing talent. She joined the Guyana Hindu Dharmic Sabha and has been with the organisation for more than 12 years. She appears on all its shows including the Sabha’s ‘Naya Zamana’ and has been a regular judge of the Kala Utsav events. In 2003, she produced a CD, which was done in Canada and was dedicated to her parents. This was a dream come true for Boodhoo.

Sookrane (L) with her family

Blessed with pure talent in her art form, the singer always seeks to give back. She is a humanitarian who volunteers at homes for the elderly and orphanages, and has been involved with the work of the Inner Wheel Club and other charitable organisations.
“Currently, I’m a judge on the GT&T Bollywood Jingle & Song competition, which has been a privilege to encourage new, young and upcoming singers to pursue their goals and enthusiasm in singing. It is a way for me to pass on my knowledge and to guide and motivate these singers. My advice to them is to always appreciate their uniqueness, develop their skills, and be humble, discipline and dedicated. Also, to be constant and always believe in themselves, regardless of who else believes in them. They should never forget that they must sing for the love of it, for the enjoyment and appreciate the essence of true music. Music has a way of healing the soul and they should recognise that. I wish all singers the best, may they always remember to thank God and respect themselves,” she encouraged.

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‘Guyanese Finding Roots in India’ by Parsram S. Thakur; Overview of the book by Vake Parsram.

By Petamber Persaud -

Dr Parsram S. Thakur, Psychology Emeritus Professor from the United States, and more recently Director of University of Guyana Berbice Campus, has recently revised his book “Guyanese finding roots in India”. The book has been revised with a few more families that were originally left out.
Dr Thakur has visited India several times, and among those times, with the help of the Immigration Pass (1912) of his grandfather, Ball Mukund, Thakur was able to locate the village of Bidhouli, in the district of Agra, land of the famous Taj Mahal.

Labourers returning home after a day’s work in the fields

In the company of his wife, Jean Marie, he had set out to find the small village, Bidhouli, near the town of Keragarh. So small is Bidhouli that the police station [Thana] did not know of the village; so small that the people had never seen a taxi, nor did they ever see a white person in the form of Jean Marie.
In December 1995, the Thakurs left the city of Boston en route to India via London and Singapore. This was not their first trip, but the 23 hours of travelling was no less tiresome. After a few days in New Delhi, they set out with a recognized taxi to Agra, where they spent the night. Keragarh was on the map but Bidhouli was not: was this a needle in a haystack?
When they arrived in the village, he was not aware that a village is made up of several hamlets, or cluster of homes, built mainly of mud walls and thatched roofs. The first hamlet knew nothing of a Ball Mukund, who left for “Demra” (Demerara) around the year 1912. The family name was Sharma, but this was omitted in the Immigration Pass. Brahmin immigrants were not preferred, as they were known trouble makers. This was heart-breaking.
Finally, an elegant looking elderly gentleman in white attire, approached. He wondered about the commotion. By now the entire hamlet had gathered to investigate the strange happenings. Slowly and curiously he entered the middle of the crowd. He vaguely recalled a man being taken away from the next hamlet. Fortunately, Thakur’s grandfather returned to India in 1922 after a ten-year indentureship at Plantation Albion on the Corentyne, British Guiana. Some older folks had sketchy memories of his returning.
The taxi proceeded along a dirt road to the next hamlet. Somehow the word got there before the taxi, and a crowd was anxiously waiting. Fortunately, they were equipped with still and video cameras, and Jean Marie followed her husband, capturing every detail, including the curious and noisy children. School broke up for the day. Communication was difficult as Dr Thakur spoke very little Hindi and the locals spoke very little English. At this point, a school teacher and a distant relative were very helpful.
Dataram Sharma, his grandfather’s nephew and oldest living relative, presented himself in his best attire. His white moustache beamed; a clean dark jacket and a new headwear made him look special. While still standing in the sandy yard, his sons came forward. Each wanted to be noticed as part of the larger family and the extended family. Anil Swaroop Sharma was especially assertive in presenting himself and family. He was a grand nephew of Ball Mukund. He lived across the pathway from Dataram, in a place where Ball Mukund was born, but the mud hut was replaced with a small concrete structure. Dataram provided tea on his porch where his ailing wife sat. Later they took a tour of the farm, which Ball Mukund helped to buy when he returned in 1922.
Dr Thakur’s aim was to follow his grandfather’s steps from Bidhouli to the train in Agra, where his grandfather would have spent a few days waiting for other intended migrants to Calcutta and British Guyana. With the help of his wife, this was recorded for posterity. The difference was, he made the trip in the cool days of January, while his grandfather made it in the hot steamy month of July, and probably not in an air-conditioned car. They spent the day in Agra visiting the railway station and a history professor, who could not offer much information about migrants to the sugar plantations in the West Indies. She was far more interested in the United States than in Guyana.
For the next couple days they travelled through Lucknow, visiting the war-torn buildings in the area and then on to Calcutta. The archives did not provide much information nor was he able to contact the people in the know. What was noticeable in Calcutta (Kolkotta) was the extremes of wealth in this sprawling city. They took time to visit with Mother Teresa at her abode and her sanctum. The City of Joy was of special interest. Much time was spent at 61 Garden Reach Road, where his grandfather and other intended migrants awaited the ship to take them to the West Indies. It was huge warehouse with high ceilings and open yard. One can appreciate the caste breakdown in the communal living. Pictures were not allowed inside because it is now a ship-building centre with high security.
In that July the ship Indus  took his grandfather and others to British Guiana. Pictures of the ship are available at the Maritime Museum in Groton, Connecticut, USA. He was able to recreate a picture of the logies at Plantation Albion, where his grandfather lived for more than 40 years, and where he and his father, Sri Thakur, were born. Dr Thakur spent his early years and schooling at Plantation Albion, with numerous cousins and the extended family.
The book contains pictures of relatives in India and Guyana, including a family tree going back more than two thousand years. Better records were kept of Brahmin families than of other castes, but one has to seek them out. Many of the educated and well-to-do relatives have moved on to other parts of the country, while only the poor ones remained in the village. Some heard of his visit and did contact him. Some showed keen interest in visiting the USA; very little in Guyana.
The significance of this trip was the bond that was developed with those families. He and his wife made several other trips to consolidate the relation. There are frequent letters between them. Other members of the extended family, including Dr Thakur’s mother, visited. Dr Thakur and his priestly family are steeped in Hinduism, but this trip had a resounding effect on his relationship with the families, with Hinduism and India itself.
Dr Thakur has written three books on Hinduism.
Responses to this author telephone (592) 226-0065 or email: oraltradition2002@yahoo.com  (Guyana Times Indian Arrival Magazine)

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Dr. Basdeo Mangru, York College, City University of New York

It is customary during historic occasions, like the 175th Anniversary of the presence of East Indians in the Caribbean, to extol their manifold contributions to the development of the region. While suitable memorials are being erected in Guyana in commemoration of [Indian] Arrival Day we tend to overlook the contributions of ‘forgotten heroes’ who dedicated almost their entire lives to the upliftment of the most exploited group of workers, the indentured Indians, who toiled for nearly 80 years under the iniquitous indenture system. One of these ‘forgotten heroes’ was James Crosby, the longest serving Immigration Agent-General in the recipient colonies.
For 22 years (1858-1880) this indefatigable public official headed the Immigration Department in British Guiana at a time of planter dominance and Indian helplessness. He so intimately identified himself with the Indian immigrant population that he became “a sort of deity and impersonation of protection”, so much so that the  Immigration Department became synonymous with Crosby. Despite chronic staff shortages, poor transportation, an ever-increasing indentured population and his ignorance of Indian languages, Crosby “burnt at any sense of wrong and the defenceless at once made him a crusader”. He was a man of exceptional industry, and he discharged his onerous duties fearlessly throughout his long and eventful career. Indentured workers regularly approached him with full confidence that their complaints, no matter how trivial, would be carefully attended to, thoroughly investigated and speedily redressed.
Arrayed against him were the influential plantocracy, who comprehensively monopolized both economic and political power, the proplanter press, the moneyed interests and imperious Governor Francis Hincks who had a penchant for personal vendetta. In fact, Hincks, from the “dangerous neighbourhood of Belfast”, not only stripped Crosby of his prosecutorial powers but also denied him travelling expenses. This prevented him from investigating the cascade of complaints which warranted his personal attention. It was indeed a herculean task but Crosby never flinched, as he was motivated by a fervent desire to secure justice and fair play irrespective of the consequences. While others, even Governors, endeavored to appease the planting interests, Crosby refused to succumb to pressure in his relentless pursuit of justice.
Crosby’s vigorous advocacy of the rights of indentured workers could hardly be matched. It was Crosby who secured for indentured Indians a recognized daily minimum wage, reduced working hours and additional pay for extra work. It was Crosby who repeatedly exposed defects in the law and the bias of magistrates in their interpretation of it. It was largely through his perseverance, untiring industry and legislative scrutiny that a perceptive improvement occurred in the lot of the oppressed. Concomitantly, his ability, uprightness and fearless discharge of his duties incurred the odium of the plantocracy.
When he died in 1880 at the age of 74, the tributes, inter alia, extolled his “sterling and valuable qualities” his “indefatigable and loving services”, his “amiable qualities” and his conscientiousness and ability. Crosby’s funeral on 3rd August 1880 brought together the largest crowd seen in Georgetown for several years. Flags were at half staff throughout the capital. Besides Governor Cornelius Kortright and members of the Legislature, some 300 Indians had walked for over 15 miles to pay their respects to ‘Burra Crosby’. Both the Royal Gazette and ‘Missionary’ called for the establishment of a movement to raise funds for the erection of a suitable memorial of this incredible Englishman.
As we observed the 175th anniversary of these resilient, enterprising people, the need for a loving memorial to honor this Champion of the Oppressed is as pressing as ever. I urge the Government of Guyana, the Indian Arrival Committee, Indians in the Diaspora and the Guyanese public to implement this call made 133 years ago without delay.

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Carlotta Mohamed will soon be a 2013 York College Graduate with a Bachelor’s of Arts Degree in Journalism. Born in Georgetown, Guyana on July 12, 1990 and raised in Richmond Hill, New York, since she was six years old, Carlotta hopes to pursue a career in broadcast journalism.
Carlotta already has some experience in the media field. She did a four-month internship at the Queens Chronicle where she covered issues relating to politics, arts and entertainment, education, crime, and local neighbourhood news.

She said: “Growing up, writing was always a passion of mine and it helped me express myself—all I needed was a pen and a piece of paper to write poems and short stories. Learning how to write articles was important to me because I wanted to master the craft of print journalism but also broadcast as well. My dream is to become a foreign correspondent for CNN or Al-Jazeera news eventually climbing up the ladder to become an anchor at the desk. I know this road will be long and bumpy but I am willing to accept all of the challenges in order to make that dream come true”.
“As a young Guyanese woman who is striving to be successful in life, I hope to someday leave behind a legacy in the news industry as other phenomenal women have done…I hope to inspire all young ladies in our West Indian community to be proud and that the sky is the limit in any profession they choose to pursue”.

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In our issue two weeks ago (week ending May 5th), we gave a background to the privatisation drive that was initiated by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) back in 1989 under the then People’s National Congress (PNC) regime of President Desmond Hoyte. The rationale for privatisation was that the performance of the enterprises would be improved; employment increased; government would not have to subsidise them and in fact could collect taxes from income and profits; market forces would be strengthened in the economy; and a domestic capital market could be developed.

Lord Maxwell Beaverbrook

We used as examples, the cases of the telephone company, Guyana Telecommunications Corporation, and the National Paint Company to evaluate examples to what extent the goals of privatisation were realised. The former, while sold for a song, delivered on most of the goals and is still around as the Guyana Telephone and Telegraph (GT&T) company. The latter has disappeared ignominiously, leaving an unpaid balance of US$900,000 on its purchase price of US$1.15 million.
The PNC had rushed into the privatisation with gusto, placing 20 companies on the block and tried to complete as many as they could before the elections of October 5, 1992, which could be termed ‘Phase I’. After the People’s Progressive Party/Civic (PPP/C) took over the reins of government, they went into a more considered round of privatisation, which could be termed ‘Phase II’. From this round, we will consider the case of Guyana Airways Corporation (GAC) and from the PNC’s Phase I, the case of Demerara Woods Limited (DWL).

Demerara Woods
Like the privatisation of the giant Guyana Telecommunications Corporation, which was sold to a new U.S. company Atlantic Tele Network (ATN), Demerara Woods’ divestment was also executed outside of the purview of the Public Corporation Secretariat and the Divestment Unit that were responsible for privatisation matters. It had long been rumoured that more money passed under the table than over. It is not surprising, therefore, that historian Odeen Ishmael, lumped the Demerara Woods’ privatisation among the PNC’s “controversial deals”.
He wrote: “There were indeed some controversial privatisation deals which took place. The one that received the most publicity was the sale of Demerara Woods Limited. Lord Maxwell Beaverbrook, a former treasurer of British Conservative Party, bought the entity in February 1991 for £9.7 million. He also negotiated and obtained a 50-year lease for 1.1 million acres of rainforest.
“Just two months later, in April 1991, he sold his interests to United Dutch Company for £61 million worth of equity in that firm. The new entity was re-named Demerara Timbers Limited (DTL). Even though Beaverbrook had up to mid-1992 not finished paying the Guyana government for Demerara Woods, he merged the enterprise into the giant United Dutch Company. This latter company took control of Demerara Timbers, of which Beaverbrook remained a major shareholder. By 1992, United Dutch valued Demerara Timbers at £74 million!
“The rainforest concession alone was estimated at between US$160 million to US$206 million. The IMF cited Demerara Woods as a priority item for the state to sell despite the fact the bilateral donors and the World Bank had poured a huge amount of financial aid (including £14 million from the European community) for the development of Demerara Woods. Furthermore, Demerara Woods’ debt was underwritten by the government as part of the sale agreement. Thus, the citizens of Guyana subsidised the bargain-basement sale of a timber asset to entice foreign investment into the country.”
Guyana Airways
While Guyana Airways Corporation (GAC) was always on the IMF’s list of companies to be privatised, the PNC did not find any buyers. The PPP/C government held on to it until it collapsed in February 1999 due to problems primarily with its single aircraft – a Boeing 757-200 it had leased and to a top-heavy bureaucratic structure. The government worked feverishly to put the corporation back on its feet while placing it on the bloc. When it was privatised in 1999, the group that bought the 51 per cent controlling fraction of the shares in the new corporation renamed it ‘Guyana Air 2000’ (GA 2000), and had to assume only US$2.2 million of US$10 million of GAC’s liabilities.
The lucky purchaser was Aviation Investments, a consortium led by the Aircraft Owners Association of Guyana. The businessmen invested US$1.8 million in the operation while government’s 49 per cent stake was underpinned by US$1.7 million of GAC’s assets. The airline was renamed ‘Guyana 2000’.
The Aviation Investments group was comprised of a consortium of nine companies representing the crème de la crème of the Guyanese business community, including the aforementioned small aircraft operators. It was headed by Demerara Distillers Limited (DDL) Chairman Yesu Persaud and  its board of directors suggest the spread of local corporate might and savvy: Vic Oditt, vice chairman; Carole Hebert, secretary; and directors messrs Anthony Mekdeci, Michael Correia (Jnr), Stanley Ming, Maurice Solomon and Feroze Mohamed.

The aircraft used by GA 2000

The company began flying in June 1999 to New York and Toronto by wet leasing an A300-600R Airbus from an Australian company. It was granted National Flag Carrier status, and promised to have its own crew within a year, as per requirement. It was obviously following a strategy of aggressive expansion and going all out to capture market share. It began to look for a second A300-600R and started runs to Trinidad and Miami. The company talked grandiosely about expanding to Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay and Colombia to figure as a regional hub. On the partnerships sector, it said it hoped to sign an agreement with the British Virgin Atlantic in order to provide connections to Europe.
The strategy demanded low fares in the traditionally cut-throat airline business which GA 2000 plunged into. But within six months, responding to a news report, Chairman Persaud heatedly denied that the airline was in “crisis” and boasted that GA 2000 had already captured 60 per cent of the New York and Toronto routes. He had to admit, however, that while they were hauling more bodies than GAC, because of their much larger aircraft, they were travelling with a much lower “load capacity”.  What was the point?
Three months later, Miami was cut and Trinidad was pulled. By June, GA 2000, after promising so much, had collapsed ignominiously. Many Guyanese passengers were left holding their tickets. Very little was heard from the corporate backers constituting Aviation Investments to this day.

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Written by Bharrat Jagdeo, president of Guyana from 1999 to 2011, and now roving ambassador for the Three Basins Initiative. First published in the UK Guardian on April 16, 2013 (http://www.guardian.co.uk)

While forests once provided subsistence for local people, for generations clearing forested land has also been good for global business, providing immediate food security for the world. Put simply, forests have been worth more dead than alive.
As populations grow, emerging and industrialised countries are looking to the three great world forest regions – the Three Basins of the Congo, the Amazon and south-east Asia – for their growing resource needs. The economic imperative to acquire and clear more land increases daily as demand for food and commodities grows. More than half of the global forest loss has occurred in the Three Basins. But world food production needs standing forests not felled trees.
And forests are not about food: they provide protection for local communities against catastrophic flooding and erosion during rainy seasons. The forests of the Three Basins act as huge carbon capture and storage units, drawing down around 10 per cent of annual greenhouse gas emissions every year. They are the planet’s principal defence against climate change – a fact that is often lost amid a debate about climate change that focuses almost entirely on fossil fuels. Destroying the forests makes our climate unstable and unpredictable, with increasing desert areas and more extreme weather. Conversely, addressing forest use in the Three Basins has huge potential to limit future damage from climate change.
Clearly, we need to stop damaging the world’s forests, but this is not as easy as it sounds. In the same way as fossil fuels are deeply embedded in the way countries develop, so is a centuries-old model of land use in which forested land is seen as a resource to be exploited. Stopping forest destruction overnight is neither possible nor desirable, as it would cause the price and availability of food and other commodities to rocket.
However, it is possible to get the balance right.
Brazil is already showing what is possible. By reducing deforestation by two thirds since 2004, Brazil has avoided an estimated one billion tonnes of CO2 emissions – few people know that this is a larger reduction in emissions than any other country has managed. This has not come at the cost of economic growth: at the same time, Brazil has lifted 10 million citizens out of poverty and continues to supply the world with food such as beef and soy, and other resources. My own country, Guyana, is maintaining 99.5 per cent of our forest, while investing heavily in new economic sectors that take pressure off the forests over the long term. Many other forest countries in the Three Basins are willing to act. Ambitious national proposals have been made. Many, including Vietnam, Gabon and the Republic of Congo have detailed plans in place, backed by high-level political commitment.
New model
If countries are ready to act: how do we deliver development, reduce poverty and feed increasing numbers of people while protecting the climate? The challenge is to invest in a new model of land use that addresses the drivers of forest loss, develops alternative sources of income and employment for forest communities, and meets the increasing demand for global food security. This means decoupling poverty alleviation and economic growth from deforestation, much in the same way as the world is beginning to separate economic growth from fossil fuel use.
But this is difficult and expensive – and everyone who benefits needs to share in paying for the valuable services forests provide. We need to make forests worth more alive than dead.
In 2009 in Copenhagen, hopes were high for a forest-financing mechanism as part of a global climate deal which would recognise the climate services provided by those forests. Pledges were made to mobilise US$100 billion (£65 billion) of new funding a year by 2020. But despite the urgency, the process has stalled. Brazil and Guyana are showing what is possible when international partnerships materialise: in both cases, Norway is paying for some of the avoided greenhouse gas emissions. But beyond Brazil, Guyana, and Indonesia, forest countries are faced with a reality that funds have been delayed; they are beginning to question whether a deal is possible. Such slow progress puts millions of lives and livelihoods at risk in every part of the world. My consultation across the Three Basins has shown that without the prospect of sufficient, secure, predictable finance, it will be hard to resist growth through the continued destruction of forests.
A deal does not just make sense for food and the planet: it offers a new way of partnering for development. The west invests in forest-friendly economic growth and gets something in return – less exposure to weather-related damage, cheaper insurance premiums, and a lower need to invest in flood and other climate defences. A fair payment for the services provided by forests supports a forest country’s own efforts towards development and poverty alleviation, creating the catalyst for private investment, entrepreneurship and sustainable employment. In return, new markets for food and resources are developed, trade increases and we deliver climate change targets. This will not just bring momentum and confidence to these commitments, but will divert private capital away from deforestation towards maintaining forests sustainably.
The international community should commit to deliver on existing pledges, including commitments to ramp up support for Three Basins countries to develop new forest-friendly economies as part of global efforts to combat hunger, nutrition and climate change. Just by delivering a fraction of funds that have already been promised – we estimate nine per cent – richer nations could kick start a change that benefits us all.

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In 1955 Harry Ramanand created cricket history by becoming the first schoolboy and the youngest player ever to be called to Berbice trials.  Before that, you don’t allow a youngster to be more than two miles to the cricket ground. But wait until you hear the juiciest part of the story. The diminutive Harry was the only player who turned up at Mental Hospital ground in short pants. It was rather unusual those days for someone, anyone to play in short pants. I too was in short pants, but as a mere spectator. That by itself created quite a stir, if not, some amusement among the players and spectators. The next day, Harry was seen ‘struggling’ along the ground in a pair of long pants.

By Shan Razack

In 1960, schoolboy right-arm spinner “Reds” Singh from Albion was also in short pants on the opening day of the trial games in preparation of the MCC’s visit to the Ancient County.
The young leg-spinner found his line, length and confidence from the very first ball he had bowled, and ended up with the most wickets-24 in all-never before or after had any bowler taken so many wickets in the trial games. Despite his excellent performance, Singh however, was not included on the Berbice side. At the end, the president of the Berbice Cricket Board (BCB) Victor De Cambra told Singh in a rather subtle manner: “Sorry son, you’re too young.”
The three-day match at Rose Hall ‘Oval” Canje was a run fiesta. It produced over 1000 runs for only eight wickets, the total including five centuries, one a double and four personal scores of 50 runs and over. The scores were: Berbice 387-2; MCC 641-6. The Berbice bowlers came in for a lot of sticks. Police off-spinner Lloyd Benjamin took three for 172 off 46 overs. “SugarBoy” Baijnauth at the twilight of his distinguished career bowled his heart out without taking any wicket. He sent down a marathon 69 overs of which 19 were maidens for 182 runs.
Singh made an early exit from the game after showing much promise of achieving great things. Singh and “SugarBoy” Baijnauth apparently played for the same club-Albion-and it was customary then for Baijnauth to seal up one end from the first over. It allows Singh and the rest of the bowlers very little scope to ply their wares. Singh was never happy with this arrangement and disenchantment leaving so many people wondering what might have been.
In those days, trial games would be extended to as long as 5-6 weekends, and you are easily eliminated, after a failure in the early rounds, unless you were one of the more established players-a la Vic Harnanan. So keen it was then, that if you want to make the side you simply cannot afford to fail.
Harry recognized the seriousness of the situation and, there and then, produced some excellent bowling to secure five for 58 runs. It was indeed a commendable effort by the youngster when you consider the top-notch batting line-up that read: Charles Paul, Rohan Kanhai, Vic Harnanan, Basil Butcher, Robert Christiani, Sony Moonsammy, Leslie Amsterdam, Joe Solomon, Hamil Murray, Ancel Hazel and Henry Pestano.
The schoolboy left-arm spinner continued to bamboozle the batsmen in the remaining trial games and culminating his sterling performances by taking six wickets in the final trial game. There was much debate as to whether the youthful and inexperienced Harry should be favored to the more matured and versatile Joe “Cobra” Ramdat, who created havoc, a year ago in Essequibo. The selectors had the last say and opted for new and young blood in Harry Ramanand. There was much jubilation around the ground at his selection on the Berbice team.
Before I do a brief summary on the Berbice-Demerara clash at Bourda, allow me to digress a little-my friend, Sam Sooppersaud loves this part of my column– and touch on a rather sensitive matter, which I was able to solve after so many years.
Mental Hospital had a reputation of providing the best tea at cricket matches in Berbice, and I was only too curious to find out, if it was so! I remember, sneaking into the Dining Hall with Harry, posing as his kid brother, and to my amazement I was simply stunned when I drank the tea and tasted the sumptuous raisins filled sweetbread. Instead of one cup of tea, I had four cups, with a lot of milk, of course. As for the sweetbread, I had myself filled to the point where I could have hardly moved. From then on, I never missed out whenever tea was served at the dining hall.  Too bad, you don’t get the tea and more particular, the tasty sweetbread anymore. Doubt me! Ask Saranga Baichu! Ask Randolph Ramnarace! Ask Joe Sukwah! Ask Leonard Baichan! Ask Romain Etwaroo! Those guys are still around.

Clyde Walcott

But there was far more to the sweetbread than just simply meeting the palate. We were made to believe that on Fridays, mind you, you could take someone to the Mental Hospital for admission, if for some obvious reason, that person had been acting strangely or of unsound mind. The person would be rewarded with $5.00 and a hefty loaf of sweetbread. I guess you might have heard that story so many times before and, like me, believe it to be the gospel truth. You wouldn’t believe it, but it was not until I began working at the institution in 1962 that I found out the true meaning of the Friday’s admission, the $5.00, the sweetbread and such like. It was the rule then and even now to admit the inmates from the Georgetown Hospital Psychiatric Ward to the Mental Hospital on a Friday. This is how the myth associated with the sweetbread; unsound mind, and admission to the institution came into being. This incidentally, is not the end of the sweetbread saga. Friday traditionally was sweetbread day when everyone who is working at the institution can be seen with a sweetbread or two, even three. Friday is also the day when some people would simple stop whatever they were doing and chase after a sweetbread.
Some years later, I was transferred to the New Amsterdam Hospital there I witnessed something rather reveling. It was Friday al-right, and it was sweetbread day. I observed two porters conveying a patient to the x-ray department and suddenly one of them had vanished out of sight. I was curious to know what had become of him. I asked the porter who was with the patient where the other guy went. This would shock you! The guy had gone to get sweetbread! Sweetbread! What sweetbread? I enquired? At first the porter was hesitant, but eventually he spilled it out. “On Friday, we does dey on the look out for Uncle Dan Bourne dray cart-he usually transport the sweetbread from Mental Hospital to New Amsterdam Hospital-and once it entered the compound, we does left wha we doing, and go fuh a sweetbread. Need I say more!

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On May 5th 1838, the very year of final slave emancipation in the British West Indies, a small batch of 396 Indian immigrants popularly known as the ‘Gladstone Coolies’ landed in British Guiana (Guyana) from Calcutta. This was the beginning of the indenture system which was to continue for over three-quarters of a century and whose essential features were very reminiscent of slavery. Within a decade Indian immigration was largely responsible for changing the fortunes of the sugar industry, the mainstay of the economy, from the predicted ‘ruin’ to prosperity.

Having been recruited and registered, the emigrant was taken to the depot where he immediately began the process of ‘seasoning’ for the long, monotonous voyage to the West Indies. At embarkation certain precautions were taken to ensure health and safety en route. Social intercourse between crew and emigrant women as well as the carrying of firearms or inflammable material was strictly prohibited. Besides the officers and crew, each emigrant vessel was provided with compounders, interpreters and topazes. The compounders dispensed medicine and often acted as interpreters; the topazes or sweepers ensured that the deck and water closets were kept clean.
On arrival in British Guiana the indentured worker quickly came under the regularity and discipline of the plantation system. The plantation under slavery has been described as an economic unit producing agricultural commodities for export. It employed a relatively large body of unskilled labour and had a rigidly stratified social structure based on occupational status and divided along race and colour lines. Decision- making was centralised, orders emanating from the master were issued to the slaves through the driver (headman). With emancipation the social structure was somewhat adjusted but the basic feature of plantation society remained similar to that of slavery. In fact, many of the characteristics survived well into the twentieth century.

From the 1860s to the abolition of indenture in 1917, Indians comprised the hulk of the immigrant work force. They were indentured for five years but were required to serve for ten before being entitled to a free return passage to India.

Between 1838 and 1917, almost 240,000 East Indian indentured workers were brought to British Guiana. The indentured workers had the right to be repatriated at the end of their contracts, but as of 1890, most of the East Indian indentured workers had chosen to settle in British Guiana.
Although the great majority of the East Indian immigrant workers were from northern India, there were variations among them in caste and religion but on the colonial plantations they were housed together and placed in work gangs without consideration of caste.
The process of assimilation has made the culture of the modern Indo-Guyanese more homogeneous than that of their caste-conscious immigrant ancestors.

Indentureship Timeline

1837 – John Gladstone suggests East Indian indentured labour as a solution to the drifting of Africans from the plantations to the towns. Permission is granted to bring ‘Coolies’ for his two plantations.
1838 – The first indentured labourers drawn from the hill areas of South India arrive in Guiana. 156 East Indians arrive from Calcutta on the “Hesperus”. They are under indenture for a five year period, and for the first part, they are housed and given rations, but are not paid. Great mistreatment of the labourers results in prosecution of some of the planters.
1843 – The end of the first period of indenture. Many of the labourers return to India.
The 1840′s – England suspends the indentured labourer system. Immigrant labour from India, Portugal (mainly Madeira) and China is permitted, under Government control.
1853 – January 12th. The first contract Chinese labourers arrive in British Guiana on the “Glentanner”. Most are assigned to Windsor Forest, Pouderoyen and La Jalousie estates.
1860 – March 11th. The first female Chinese labourers arrive on the “Whirlwind”.
1874 – The last contract Chinese labourers arrive in Demerara.
1917 – The Government of India abolishes the indentured system. No more East Indian labour is allowed to enter Guiana.

Sources: caribbeanmuslims.com, “Guyana: An Indentureship Timeline”; historytoday.com, “Indian Labour in British Guiana” by Basdeo Mangru; mongobay.com

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